Georgetown University
Washington DC, 7 February 2006<\/p>\n\n\n\n
1 Introduction<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n For both of us, Georgetown University is like a friendly home<\/strong>, which\u2014as the In places like this university, our long, shared history<\/strong> is still feeding our debates, it Historians tell us that both Madison and the Marquis de Lafayette<\/strong> were inspired 2 The EU<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Schuman\u2019s words could not be clearer: securing peace on the continent<\/strong> is the To do this, the countries of Europe have done the unthinkable: they have given up For most of those years, an ideological rift and the cold war were keeping Europe\u2019s This was the main objective of the constitutional process which was set in motion 3 Winning hearts and minds<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u2018Soul\u2019 is the functional word<\/strong> here. The Union\u2019s responsibilities have grown over However, there is a widespread perception in the media and among the population We need to bring Europe<\/strong>\u2014its values, its debates and its policies\u2014closer to the <\/p>\n\n\n\n 4 Intercultural dialogue<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n There is no doubt that intercultural dialogue will be one of the central debates for I called for a European Year of Intercultural Dialogue<\/strong> as soon as I took office in<\/p>\n\n\n\n I would like to expand a bit on these three points, starting from the last. There are <\/p>\n\n\n\n 4.1. Soft\u2013power<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n As to the other areas, there is growing recognition that intercultural dialogue lies Of these many meanings, I prefer the one that points towards \u2018interdependence<\/strong>\u2019. This is the sense in which intercultural dialogue should underpin international Even as I say this, I am very well aware of the difficulties of the Union as an <\/p>\n\n\n\n 5 Unity in Diversity<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Finally, intercultural dialogue is very much a domestic agenda for the EU.<\/strong> In this respect, our genetic code differs from that of the US\u2014traditionally described <\/p>\n\n\n\n 5.1 Multilingualism<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The best evidence of this approach is perhaps our language policy<\/strong>. As you know, Over 80 indigenous languages<\/strong> are spoken within the borders of the Union and 20 Ladies and Gentlemen:<\/p>\n\n\n\n After half a century, the seeds planted by the founding fathers of a united <\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Georgetown UniversityWashington DC, 7 February 2006 1 Introduction Few places are more comfortable for me than a conference hall in a greatAmerican university. As you know, my responsibilities as EuropeanCommissioner include higher education and culture, so this campus and thisaudience make me feel at home. Centres of learning on both sides of the Atlantic bear […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[338],"tags":[251,818,9,1098],"class_list":["post-18514","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-en","tag-culture","tag-diversity","tag-eu","tag-unity"],"yoast_head":"\n
Few places are more comfortable for me than a conference hall in a great
American university<\/strong>. As you know, my responsibilities as European
Commissioner include higher education and culture, so this campus and this
audience make me feel at home.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Centres of learning on both sides of the Atlantic bear testimony that our deep
common roots<\/strong> are not confined to history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
A happy coincidence will help me make this point. In two days\u2019 time, the President
of the European Commission, Jos\u00e9 Manuel Barroso<\/strong>, will receive an honoris causa
degree from your University.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This is a very good example of the continuing mutual interest and appreciation
between the two shores of the Atlantic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
song says\u2014is \u201cmore comfortable [\u2026] the second time you call\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Jos\u00e9 Manuel taught at your School of Foreign Service; as to me, I first came with
my degree in engineering to study international relations in 1994<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
I suspect that was the decisive turn in my education. The experience I made here
has served me well in all my years of service and\u2014to this day\u2014I preserve great
memories of those months.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n
is bearing intellectual fruits, and it\u2019s shaping our present and future lives.
Let us take a couple of facts about Georgetown as examples.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The first fact is your date of birth\u20141789<\/strong>\u2014when Father Carroll acquired this plot
of land overlooking the Potomac. 1789<\/strong> is perhaps the best piece of evidence of how
European and American history are intertwined: this is when George Washington
was inaugurated as the first President of the United States and the French
revolution started.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
1789<\/strong> was also the year when Madison submitted the Bill of Rights to Congress and
France\u2019s National Constituent Assembly adopted the Declaration of the Rights of
Man and of the Citizen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
by Mason\u2019s Virginia Declaration of Rights and that Mason himself took his cue
from the English Bill of Rights of 1689.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In a sense, the foundational texts on both sides of the Atlantic are like twins:<\/strong>
they share the same genetic code and were born at the same time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
We should recall these facts when we dwell on our economic, social, and cultural
differences. The differences are there\u2014nobody can deny this\u2014but the Atlantic is
in fact a big pond of common values<\/strong> and traditions: human rights, the rule of law,
democracy, and our undying love for freedom.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The second fact is perhaps subtler but just as symbolic. While preparing my visit
here, I remembered that your official colours were decided as a gesture of
reconciliation after the Civil war, which had deeply affected your College.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
I like this story because it reminds me of the original reason behind Europe\u2019s
process of integration. In the words of Robert Schuman<\/strong>\u2014one of our founding
fathers\u2014\u201cwar between France and Germany [should become] not merely
unthinkable, but materially impossible\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
original intent of our process of integration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
some of their sovereign powers and pooled them under common institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The breadth and depth of this geopolitical innovation has no precedent in history.
The 1951 agreement of six countries over coal and steel<\/strong> has now become a
political entity that spans the continent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Our institutional arrangement is equally unprecedented. The EU is not a federation,
but it is much more than a trade block such as NAFTA or Mercosur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In fact, this is the core of the current debate in Europe. We have a flag, a currency,
and a Parliament directly elected by the people. We are working on a common
foreign policy and on military capabilities. What now? What does the Union
want to be?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n
50 years ago, our community sought to bring down trade barriers and create a
common market. Then it began to take an increasingly political tint. The first direct
election of the European Parliament was held in 1979, and we haven\u2019t looked back
since.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The Union has also had an<\/strong> immense power of attraction across the region<\/strong>. The
original six members became nine in 1973 when Denmark, Ireland, and Britain
joined. Three more countries joined in the 1980s, and another three in 1995 for a
total of 15.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
East and West artificially apart. With the collapse of communism in Europe, the
continent could revive the century\u2013old dream of reunification<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This is the part of the story I can tell you first hand, because Slovakia\u2014my home
country, once part of the Eastern bloc\u2014joined the Union on May 1, 2004 along
with nine others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
I believe the decisive reason why we all embraced the Union was our craving for
peace, democracy, and freedom<\/strong>. And we knew the Union was the best guarantee
that the change would be irreversible.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In this respect, the original plan of Schuman and of the other founding fathers of a
united Europe is not a mere historical fact but a continuing reality. The Union
continues to be a community of values<\/strong>\u2014and peace sits on top of them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
More countries will join in the coming years<\/strong>, especially from the Balkans. I have
no doubt that what has worked for us will work for them as well. The Union will be
the decisive factor for the security, reconciliation, and eventual integration of the
region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
At this juncture, the EU needs to turn the page: over the next few years, it should
seek to strengthen the bonds that keep together its countries and regions, its
institutional systems, and above all its peoples.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
in 2003. Unfortunately, this new chapter has not started well. The Constitutional
Treaty<\/strong> was rejected by French and Dutch voters last year.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
2005 was a difficult year for Europe<\/strong>, but we should not dwell on the bad news
only. In February President Bush paid an official visit to the European institutions.
In December the government of Russia had a joint plenary meeting with the
European Commission.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Both events are unprecedented and they mean that Europe\u2019s presence on the
international scene is growing slowly but surely in spite of our divisions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
So, as you can see, there are also reasons for optimism. Besides, the Union has
always advanced by leaps and bounds and has always come out of its crises
stronger, more experienced and more mature.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n
In historical perspective, a pause for reflection was not to be ruled out. In this light,
the suspension of the constitutional process is also an opportunity for some serious
soul searching.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
the years; today, about half of Europe\u2019s legislation originates from the EU
institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
that economic issues prevail over cultural, social and political values.
In other words, there is the perception that material concerns have overshadowed
the search for Europe\u2019s soul.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This phenomenon is not exclusive to Europe. The logic of business and of the
market is also dominating public discourse in the States and elsewhere.
Sustained economic growth is, of course, fundamental because we need the
material means to achieve our ideal ends. However, I believe that we should turn
to our cultural and political values <\/strong>to avoid confusing means and ends.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
It is true that Europe\u2019s most spectacular achievements are tangible: the internal
market, the Euro, even the vilified agricultural policy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
However, these are things that touch the minds of EU citizens, not their hearts. As
Jacques Delors<\/strong>, a former President of the European Commission, said: \u201cyou can\u2019t
fall in love with the single market\u201d.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n
This is why serious policies to foster cultural and civic integration are a necessity
for us, not a luxury, because they would help redress the imbalance between the
rational and the emotional sides.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This imbalance is dangerous because it widens the gap between Europe and its
citizens. Unless we refocus on the democratic legitimacy and the political ends of
the EU, our project of integration would become unsustainable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
citizen.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n
the future of the Union.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n
European countries of old and established democratic tradition.
In the light of these events, my initiative has acquired a new sense of urgency.
The Year of Intercultural Dialogue is planned for 2008 and will cover three main
areas:<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n\n
the civil society and the countries that joined in 2004. This is because Europeans
will never know enough of each other; Europe will always be a work in the
making.
– Second<\/strong>, we will open avenues for dialogue between the Union and the rest of
the world<\/strong>, because our whole history teaches us that international relations
work best when there is a deep understanding of the culture, the motives, and
the aspirations of the other.
– Finally<\/strong>, we will bring our action down to our own cities and countries.<\/strong> Last
year\u2019s events teach us that we need to find more and better forms of dialogue in
our own societies, especially regarding Europeans of recent immigration.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
signs across Europe that racism, xenophobia and discrimination are raising their
ugly heads again.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
I guess you are a particularly sensitive audience on these issues. The political and
social debate in this country has revolved around racism and discrimination for a
long time and the fight is not over.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
But I also know that Georgetown has stellar credentials in this struggle; it is not by
chance that your College was led by an African\u2013American\u2014father Healy\u2014as far
back as 1874.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Europe and America have had very different histories of immigration and social
integration; however, the fundamental challenges remain the same: tolerance,
respect and equal opportunities<\/strong> so that everyone can do his or her best to build a
peaceful, dynamic, and creative society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
at the heart of international relations<\/strong>. Let me explain what I mean in some
detail.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Future historians will describe our time as the age when the world shrank and
flattened. This is the process commonly called \u2018globalisation<\/strong>\u2019, a term that many
people use to mean many different things.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Interdependence is more obvious on the regional scale. Europe, for instance, has
always been a mosaic of languages, cultures and institutions in constant interaction.
So, if globalisation is about our mutual interdependence, Europe\u2019s process of
integration can be defined as an attempt at managing globalisation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Of course, our ambitions are on a regional scale, but even so the EU is the only
workable attempt to harness the forces of globalisation and put them to work for
our interests, our values and our ultimate goals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Globalisation has also made us more keenly aware of diversity and complexity.<\/strong>
During the cold\u2013war years, many local situations could be described in the terms of
a confrontation between the two blocs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Today things have changed. We know that we need to shed our prejudices about
the others and overcome the initial and\u2014one should add\u2014all too natural sense of
threat and distrust. Today, we have realised that we need to know and understand
beliefs and practices that belong to cultures other than ours.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Again, I feel comfortable talking about intercultural dialogue in these terms here; if
only because Georgetown is home to the Center for Muslim\u2013Christian
Understanding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
relations.<\/strong> If we are serious about bringing peace and prosperity to our complex
world, we should learn to listen to each other, engage everyone in dialogue without
preconceptions, and restore the primacy of politics and diplomacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
international actor. In spite of being a highly integrated economic giant, we often
find it difficult to speak with one voice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
At the same time, apart from the growing recognition I referred to earlier, many
world leaders are looking at the EU as a viable model of organising relations
between countries<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The EU, for its part, is keen to share the unique experience and know\u2013how it has
gained over the past decades. I see it as our responsibility to bring our
fundamental values to the world<\/strong>: co\u2013operation, solidarity, democracy, and the
rule of law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Europeans will always be busy getting to know each other because the Union is
not\u2014and will never be\u2014about erasing the differences between its countries and
peoples.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Recognising Europe\u2019s cultural diversity<\/strong> lies at the foundation of our idea of
intercultural dialogue. In fact\u2014if you ask me\u2014there is a sense in which the phrase
is redundant, because culture, any culture, is always already a dialogue.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
as a melting pot.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
We regard our wealth of cultures, languages and traditions as a precious gift<\/strong>
from the past to be cherished and preserved. We regard the Union\u2019s increasing
diversity as an asset, not as a threat or a problem.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The fundamental challenge of our process of integration is in fact how to preserve
distinct cultural identities while developing a multicultural society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
the EU is the only supranational or international organisation that explicitly grants
its citizens the right to use their national languages in their dealings with the
European institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Our multilingualism policy is a deliberate tool of government<\/strong>. The EU sees the
use of its citizens\u2019 languages as one of the factors which make it more transparent,
more legitimate and more efficient.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Last November, the Commission adopted a Communication called \u201cA New
Framework Strategy for Multilingualism\u201d. It is our first comprehensive policy
statement in this area and follows by a year the explicit inclusion of
multilingualism in my portfolio, also a first for the European Commission.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
of them are officially recognised<\/strong> by our common institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In this way, every citizen can read and understand European legislation,
communicate with the EU, and participate in policymaking in a tongue he or she is
familiar with.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Some ask whether we should not do with languages what we have done with our
common currency, the Euro. The answer is simple: we should not. Languages are
infinitely closer to the heart of individuals and communities than coins and notes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The name of the money I carry in my pocket does not define me in any significant
way; whereas reducing our wonderful diversity of languages would undermine the
richest legacy we have inherited from our past.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Each and every one of the many languages of Europe opens up the wealth of
culture and traditions of a community. They are all equally precious to us.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
I would like to conclude with a general reflection.
For many years now, we no longer think of our process of integration mainly as a
means to prevent conflict in Europe<\/strong>. War among our members has finally become
truly unthinkable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Europe<\/strong> have grown into a tall tree with many branches. We have already picked
several delicious fruits, whereas others need some more time to ripen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
You can see this process of maturity in many of our policies and debates. Today
they are about sharing a space, finding better ways to live together, helping each
other build our common future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
These are our real challenges for the future,<\/strong> because they address the issues of
social cohesion and inclusion, of solidarity and peace, of a positive impact of the
EU on the world scene. They address the core reasons that keep us together.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n
This is really what the Union is about. Our economic and political achievements
would have no sense of direction if they were not aimed towards these higher ends.
Thank you.<\/p>\n\n\n\n